THE PROGRESSIVE CONSERVATIVE, USA

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Volume XIII, Issue # 45, February 15, 2011
Dr. Almon Leroy Way, Jr., Editor
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EGYPT'S CHANCE FOR CHANGE
By Dr. Daniel Pipes

THE MILITARY ESTABLISHMENT IN EGYPT & THE COUNTRY'S POLITICAL FUTURE:  THE MILITARY LEADERSHIP'S WEIGHTY RESPONSIBILITY OF SHEPHERDING THE EGYPTIAN REVOLUTION TOWARD FRUITION OF THE POPULAR DEMANDS FOR POLITICAL ACCOUNTABILITY, THE RULE OF LAW, INDIVIDUAL LIBERTY, & ECONOMIC PROSPERITY -- CAN THE ISLAMISTS BE PREVENTED FROM SEIZING CONTROL OF EGYPT?  HAS EGYPT'S MILITARY LEADERSHIP LEARNED & MATURED ENOUGH TO GOVERN THE COUNTRY EFFECTIVELY & HONESTLY?  DOES IT REALIZE THAT CONTINUING TO PURSUE ITS SELFISH INTERESTS WILL LEAD TO FURTHER DECAY & CORRUPTION?
FULL STORY:   If developments in Egypt have gone as well as one could hope for, future prospects remain unclear. The exciting part is over, now come the worries.

Let's start with three pieces of good news: Hosni Mubarak, Egypt's strongman who appeared on the brink of fomenting disaster, fortunately resigned. The Islamists, who would push Egypt in the direction of Iran, had little role in recent events and remain distant from power. And the military, which has ruled Egypt from behind the scenes since 1952, is the institution best equipped to adapt the government to the protestors' demands.

Now, for the problems. The military itself represents the lesser problem. In charge for six decades, it has made a mess of things. Tarek Osman, an Egyptian writer, eloquently demonstrates in a new book, Egypt on the Brink: From Nasser to Mubarak (Yale University Press), how precipitously Egypt's standing has declined. Whatever index one chooses, from standard of living to soft-power influence, Egypt today lags behind its monarchical predecessor. Osman contrasts the worldly Cairo of the 1950s to the "crowded, classic third-world city" of today. He also despairs how the country "that was a beacon of tranquility has turned into the Middle East's most productive breeding ground of aggression."

The Muslim Brotherhood represents the larger problem. Founded in 1928, the world's leading Islamist organization has long avoided confrontation with the government and shies from revealing its ambition to carry out an Islamic revolution in Egypt. Iran's President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad articulated this hope for it, when he claimed that due to developments in Egypt, "a new Middle East is emerging without the Zionist regime and U.S. interference." In a bitter appraisal, Mubarak himself focused on this same danger: "We see the democracy the United States spearheaded in Iran and with Hamas, in Gaza, and that's the fate of the Middle East extremism and radical Islam."

For its part, the U.S. Obama administration naively expressed no such concerns. Barack Obama downplayed the threat of the Muslim Brotherhood, calling it but "one faction in Egypt," while his Director of National Intelligence, James Clapper, actually praised the Brotherhood as "a very heterogeneous group, largely secular, which has eschewed violence" and pursues "a betterment of the political order in Egypt."

This nonsense points to a U.S. policy in deep disarray. In June, 2009, during a would-be revolution against a hostile regime in Iran, the Obama administration stayed mum, hoping thereby to win Tehran's good will. But, with Mr. Mubarak, a friendly dictator under assault, it effectively adopted George W. Bush's impatient "freedom agenda" and supported the opposition. President Obama seemingly encourages street demonstrators only against our side.

American pressure, steady and gradual, recognizing that the democratization process implies a vast transformation of society and requires not months but decades, is needed to open the system.

What next for Egypt, and will the Muslim Brotherhood take over?

Something remarkable, unpredictable, and unprecedented took place in recent weeks on Egyptian streets. A leaderless mass movement galvanized large numbers of ordinary citizens, as in Tunisia days earlier. It did not rage against foreigners, scapegoat minority Egyptians, nor endorse a radical ideology; instead, it demanded accountability, liberty, and prosperity. Reports reaching me from Cairo suggest a historic turn toward patriotism, inclusion, secularism, and personal responsibility.

For confirmation, consider two polls: A 2008 study by Lisa Blaydes and Drew Linzer found 60 percent of Egyptians hold Islamist views. But a Pechter Middle East Poll last week found only 15 percent of Cairenes and Alexandrians "approve" of the Muslim Brotherhood and about 1 percent support a Brotherhood president of Egypt. Another indicator of this seismic change: the Brotherhood, in retreat, has played down its political ambitions, with Yusuf al-Qaradawi going to far as to declare that preserving Egyptians' freedom has more importance than implementing Islamic law.

No one can say, at this early date, where this revolution in attitudes came from or where it leads, but it is today's happy reality. The military leadership now bears the weighty responsibility of shepherding it to fruition. Three men in particular bear close watching, Vice President Omar Suleiman, Defense Minister Mohammed Hussein Tantawi, and Chief of Staff Sami Hafez Enan. We shall soon see whether the military leadership has learned and matured, and if it realizes that continuing to pursue its selfish interests will lead to further decay.


Daniel Pipes 2011
Originally Published in the Washington Times, February 15, 2011
Republished with the Permission of Daniel Pipes
Reprinted from the Daniel Pipes Mailing List, February 15, 2011
URL: http://www.danielpipes.org/9474/egypt-chance


LINKS TO RELATED TOPICS:
Egypt, Arabs, & the Middle East

American Foreign Policy -- The Middle East

North Africa -- The Arab States of Islamic North Africa

The Middle East & the Arabs

Islamism & Jihadism -- The Threat of Radical Islam
Page Three    Page Two    Page One

International Politics & World Disorder:
War, Peace, & Geopolitics in the Real World:
Foreign Affairs & U.S. National Security

   Page Two    Page One

Islamist Terrorist Attacks on the U.S.A.

Osama bin Laden & the Islamist Declaration of War
Against the U.S.A. & Western Civilization

Islamist International Terrorism &
U.S. Intelligence Agencies

U.S. National Security Strategy



Dr. Daniel Pipes, a Ph.D. in Islamic History (Harvard University, 1978), is Founder and Director of the Middle East Forum, Publisher of Middle East Quarterly, Founder of Campus Watch, Taube Distinguished Visiting Fellow at the Hoover Institution of Stanford University, a signatory of the Project for the New American Century, a former board member of the U.S. Institute of Peace, a former adjunct scholar at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, a Golden Circle supporter of the U.S. Committee for a Free Lebanon, a former member of the U.S. Department of Defense Special Task Force on Terrorism and Technology, and a former lecturer at the U.S. Naval War College, Harvard University, the University of Chicago, and the University of Pennsylvania. Dr. Pipes was the Director of the Foreign Policy Research Institute from 1986 to 1993.

Author or co-author of eighteen books, Dr. Pipes is a regular columnist for National Review Online, Front Page Magazine, the New York Sun, and the Jerusalem Post. His analyses of world trends and of forces and developments in the Middle East have appeared in numerous North American newspapers, including the Washington Post, the New York Times, and the Wall Street Journal. He frequently appears on American network television, as well as at universities and think tanks, to discuss the Middle East, Islam, and the Islamist threat to the U.S.A. and the West. He also has appeared on BBC and Al Jazeera, and has lectured in approximately twenty-five countries.

Dr. Pipes is a Polish-American Jew whose parents fled Poland in 1939, immigrated to the U.S.A., and assimilated well into American society and culture. His father is Richard Pipes, an American historian specializing in Russian and Soviet history and serving as Professor of History at Harvard University from 1950 until his retirement in 1996. During the Cold War, the worldview of Richard Pipes was strongly anti-Soviet and anti-Communist.




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