THE PROGRESSIVE CONSERVATIVE, USA
An Online Journal of Political Commentary & Analysis
Volume VI, Issue # 257, December 8, 2004
Dr. Almon Leroy Way, Jr., Editor
Government Committed to & Acting in Accord with Conservative Principles
Ensures a Nation's Strength, Progress, & Prosperity
ARIEL SHARON'S ALTALENA:
ISRAEL'S DISENGAGEMENT FROM GAZA
By Asaf Romirowsky
THE LONGTERM FUTURE OF POLITICAL STABILITY IN THE STATE OF ISRAEL: AS PRIME MINISTER ARIEL SHARON MOVES
FORWARD WITH HIS PLAN FOR ISRAELI DISENGAGEMENT FROM THE GAZA STRIP, WILL DISENGAGEMENT UNITE OR DIVIDE THE
PEOPLE OF ISRAEL? CAN SHARON BE SEEN AS THE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE, OR WILL HIS ACTIONS CREATE ONLY GREATER
FRAGMENTATION IN ISRAELI SOCIETY?
FULL STORY:
The young Jewish state had barely been born yet was already on the brink of collapse on June 22, 1948, when the arms ship Altalena
was shelled by Israeli guns off the coast of Tel Aviv. The Altalena had been purchased by the Irgun (National Military Organization)
under Menachem Begin's leadership, with the hope of arming its faction's fighters in the struggle for independence. The arms shipment
deal was signed before May 14, 1948, when the British Mandate ended and Israel was declared a state. After Israel was recognized,
one of the first laws passed by the Israeli goverbment, under the leadership of Israel's first Prime Minister, David Ben-Gurion,
mandated the unification of all the underground military factions into one army supervised by the Defense Ministry.
Given this unification, such an arms shipment, in Ben-Gurion's view, was a threat to the new army and the authority of the state. In
addition, Ben-Gurion had a personal distaste for, even distrust of, Menachem Begin. As he declared at a Cabinet meeting the morning
of June 22, "there are not going to be two states … and there are not going to be two armies." Ben-Gurion feared that, if the shipment
reached the members of the Irgun, it would cause more political fragmentation, encouraging former Irgun members who had recently
joined the Israel Defense Forces to disengage from the army and act on their own. Moreover, Jerusalem was not part of the military
unification, and there were still members of the Irgun who were operating independently.
The Altalena saga was one of Ben-Gurion's most trying moments; the Jewish state stood on the precipice of a civil war. Ariel Sharon is
now facing his own Altalena as he moves forward with the plan for disengagement from Gaza. Tens of thousands of Israelis aligned
with the political Right arrived in Jerusalem on September 12, 2004, to participate in a massive demonstration against Sharon's unilateral
disengagement from the Gaza Strip.
Sharon is now seen by the far Right within his Likud Party as one who has lost his way. Moshe Feiglin, the head of the Manhigut
Yehudit faction of the party, supports this view, saying: "The Likud cannot continue to be led by a man who acts against its ideology
and violates all its decisions. If this works, all the ministers and MKs [Members of the Knesset] will be forced to reveal their views
and stop hiding ahead of key votes in the Knesset and the Cabinet." In addition, today we are hearing accusations similar to those
about Yitzhak Rabin during the Oslo years: Politicians and protesters are calling Sharon a traitor. Tensions will be exacerbated when
Israeli soldiers are forced to evacuate settlements that they or their families reside in.
Ben-Gurion's declaration about the unity of the state is as important today as it was over 55 years ago. The question is: Will
disengagement from the Gaza Strip unite or divide the people of Israel?
The challenge that the Sharon government faces is this: Can he be seen as the voice of the people, or will his actions create only
greater fragmentation in Israeli society? Moreover, key Arab neighbors, such as Egypt, will promote Sharon's plan only if Gaza does
not turn into what they regard as one large jail. In their view, this means that the borders must be open (sea, air and land) and that
the Israel Defense Forces will not re-enter Gaza.
Both of these conditions are obviously problematic, since both involve the safety and well-being of Israeli citizens and could lead to
the creation of a neighboring terrorist-led state. Of the two, agreeing not to re-enter Gaza is the more difficult. As was shown in Jenin
in 2003, if the Palestinian Authority cannot (or will not) prevent terrorism, Israel must respond.
The longterm future of Israel's political stability is on the line. The Oslo Accords and Arafat's death have been turning points in the
Israeli-Palestinian relationship. The challenge is how to achieve a middle ground without having another Altalena. If politics is the
art of the possible, it also means making unpalatable and unpopular decisions in pursuit of a strategic goal. If that goal were better
articulated by Sharon, Israel's ‘silent majority' would likely speak up and quell the flames that threaten to engulf the society once
again.
LINKS TO RELATED TOPICS:
The Israeli-Arab Conflict
The Middle East & the Arabs
Radical Islam & Islamic Terrorism
War & Peace in the Real World
Islamist Terrorist Attacks on the U.S.A.
Osama bin Laden & the Islamist Declaration of War
Against the U.S.A. & Western Civilization
Islamist International Terrorism &
U.S. Intelligence Agencies
U.S. National Security Strategy
Asaf Romirowsky is a Campus Watch Associate Fellow for the Middle East Forum and the Israel Advocacy Associate for the
Jewish Federation of Greater Philadelphia.
The foregoing article by Asaf Romirowsky was originally published in FrantPageMagazine.Com, December 7, 2004, and can be
found on the Internet website maintained by the Middle East Forum.
Republished with Permission of the Middle East Forum
Reprinted from the Middle East Forum News
mefnews@meforum.org (MEF NEWS)
December 7, 2004
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Dr. Almon Leroy Way, Jr., Editor
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